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I’ve spent a fair amount of time at Project DisCo discussing how political, legal and regulatory processes in the United States are largely biased against disruptive innovators in favor of legacy incumbents. That’s typically just as true for Uber and its ride-hailing competitors as it is for Aereo, Hulu, Netflix and other streaming video — or over the top (“OTT”) — Internet television services. But perhaps no longer.
The Consumer Choice in Online Video Act (S.1680), introduced by Sen. Jay Rockefeller, chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee, aims to change things. The legislation’s stated objectives are to “give online video companies baseline protections so they can more effectively compete in order to bring lower prices and more choice to consumers eager for new video options” and to “prevent the anticompetitive practices that hamper the growth of online video distributors.” It does so by (a) requiring television content owners to negotiate Internet carriage arrangements with OTT providers in good faith, (b) guaranteeing such firms reasonable access to video programming by limiting the use of contractual provisions that harm the growth of online video competition, and (c) empowering the FCC to craft regulations governing the program access interface between online providers and traditional television networks and studios.
S.1680 is a remarkable legislative effort to predict where the nascent online programming market is headed. It anticipates that in order to fulfill their competitive potential, OTT video entrants will require similar legal protections to what satellite television providers have for years enjoyed. The bill applies the program access model developed several decades ago for satellite television to the new world of OTT video.
As Rockefeller explained:
[He] has watched as the Internet has revolutionized many aspects of American life, from the economy, to health care, to education. It has proven to be a disruptive and transformative technology, and it has forever changed the way Americans live their lives. Consumers now use the Internet, for example, to purchase airline tickets, to reserve rental cars and hotel rooms, to do their holiday shopping. The Internet gives consumers the ability to identify prices and choices and offers an endless supply of competitive offerings that strive to meet individual consumer’s needs.
But that type of choice — with full transparency and real competition — has not been fully realized in today’s video marketplace. Rockefeller’s bill addresses this problem by promoting that transparency and choice. It addresses the core policy question of how to nurture new technologies and services, and make sure incumbents cannot simply perpetuate the status quo of ever-increasing bills and limited choice through exercise of their market power.
Modeled explicitly on the controversial 1992 Cable Act (which itself passed only over a presidential veto), S.1680 appears to be the first piece of legislation embracing disruption as a procompetiitive form of market evolution, including as its initial congressional “finding” that OTT services have the potential to “disrupt the traditional multichannel video distribution marketplace.” That’s excellent. At the same time, the bill’s choice of solution is contentious, by subjecting vertically integrated cable and television providers (e.g., Comcast-NBCu) to another regime of program access and retransmission mandates. The legal standard fashioned for testing the validity of a television distribution contract in S.1680 is whether it “substantially deters the development of an online video distribution alternative.” Given the highly visible retransmission disputes that have arisen in recent months, such as the Tennis Channel and CBS, plus the lack of evidence that vertical integration in fact provides an incentive for exclusive dealing and content foreclosure, free market advocates are likely to object to this. Proponents of net neutrality rules, especially where data caps are concerned, have already spoken out in support.
Continue reading OTT Disruption: Is the “Rockefeller Bill” the Answer?
Yesterday the U.S. Securities & Exchange Commission did something routine. It issued a so-called “Wells-notice” against a company, charging the firm preliminarily with releasing confidential financial information to a select portion of the market, instead of publicly to all investors as required by Reg FD (“fair disclosure”). What is remarkable, and potentially troubling, is that the basis for the charge was a short social media message by Netflix CEO Reed Hastings, reposted on the company’s public Facebook page.
As Law360 explained:
Netflix Inc. and its CEO Reed Hastings could face action by the SEC over Hastings’ July post revealing that Netflix members had watched more than one billion hours that month, the online video service said in a regulatory filing Thursday. Netflix and Hastings received a Wells notice on Wednesday that said the company could face either a cease-and-desist or civil injunctive suit for fair-disclosure violations allegedly prompted by the posting on the social networking site, according to an SEC filing by Netflix.
The juxaposition of a good-intentioned securities regulation and the disruptive impact of new technology could not be clearer. In his post, Hastings congratulated the Netflix team for a job well done in early July, noting the one billion hours of video delivered to subscribers the previous month. The message was just 43 words. In the usual social media fashion, the post was forwarded by his followers. Bloggers picked up on it. Media reports cited it.
So what’s the deal? Technically, Netflix had not filed an “8K” update with that data at the SEC nor issued a traditional press release. But the company had revealed the 1B streaming hours in its public blog well before the CEO’s Facebook post. And in 2008, the SEC became the first federal agency to recognize the growing communications functions of blogs by issuing landmark guidance saying that corporate use of blogs for release of material financial information would satisfy Reg FD.
In this context, the action against Hastings seems to make little sense. Even if the prior blog post had not disclosed the 1B figure adequately, Hastings’ post was open to more than 200,000 followers of his Facebook page, could be “subscribed” by anyone (“friends” or not) and was widely and immediately disseminated, both in social and traditional media. Had Hastings done this via a Twitter DM (direct message) or a private Facebook message to one or more individual friends, that would be completely different. But his post was public and thoroughly publicized.
That’s the precise purpose of Reg FD. But the SEC’s Wells notice illustrates that even government agencies that “get it” technically are often trapped in outmoded world views. It’s one thing for a public company CEO to post messages about financial performance on financial chat rooms and lists, under a pseudonym, to pump up trading volume artificially. It’s quite another for bureaucrats to decide that unless one uses the obsolescent technology of the past, public disclosures are inadequate. Would the SEC also suggest that a webinar, rather than telephonic conference call, is insufficient under Reg FD when announcing earnings guidance because not all investors have broadband Web access? That is hardly a sensible result.
We’ve written a lot in this blog about social media policies and how to reduce enterprise legal exposure. The irony of the Netflix case is that a company and executive who seem to have had a valid policy and followed the government’s own guidelines for use of social media has been targeted in a possible enforcement action nonetheless. That raises the spectre, which numerous commentators noted in connection with more a recent SEC alert on social media usage by investment advisors, that vague agency guidelines may lead to policy making by criminal complaint, rather than rules of general applicability. If that is the case with regard to blogs and Facebook as mechanisms for Reg FD compliant disclosures, there’s an equally great risk that these new modes of communication and interaction will be rendered impotent for corporate purposes due to the unknown scope of potential SEC exposure. That’s a bad result which everyone should hope we do not reach.
Note: Originally written for and reposted with permission of my law firm’s Information Intersection blog.
There has been much discussion recently about the movie industry’s efforts to maintain its product release “windows,” so that theatrical performances precede pay-per-view, followed by DVD sales, pay TV (HBO, etc.) and finally advertiser-supported television. My view is that these folks are shooting themselves in the foot, because DVD sales actually declined in 2009 for the first time. The lesson is not that DVDs are being sold OR rented “too early,” rather that technological convergence is making more and more options available to consumers, so building a library of physical DVDs is relatively unimportant, and certainly no longer a priority.
But as usual — see their opposition to the VCR — Hollywood has this all backwards. Again.
Netflix, Warner Bros., Adjust Online Movie Renting [CNet News.com].
In a ground-breaking deal for the online movie renting, Netflix and Warner Bros. Home Entertainment announced Wednesday that they have reached a deal that calls for Netflix to get access to more of the studio’s catalog content.In exchange, Netflix agreed to do something it has never done before. Netflix won’t offer new releases from the studio on DVD and Blu-ray for a period of 28 days after they go on sale.
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